(인문학) Noam Chomsky: BECAUSE WE SAY SO (영문 원서)

도서명: BECAUSE WE SAY SO

저자명: Noam Chomsky & Henry A. Giroux

출판사: HAMISH HAMILTON

독서기간: 2015년 12월3일부터 2016년 01월5일 완독

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Noam Chomsky is the author of numerous bestselling and influential political books, including Hegemony or Survival, Failed States, Interventions, What We Say Goes, Hopes and Prospects, Gaza in Crisis, Making the Future, Occupy and on Palestine.

Henry A. Giroux currently holds the Global TV Network Chair Professorship at McMaster University in the English and Cultural Studies Department and a Distinguished Visiting Professorship at Ryerson University. HIs most recent books include The Violence of Organized Forgetting and Disposable Future: The Seduction of Violence in the Age of Spectacle, co-written with Brad Evans.

CONTENTS

Foreword b Henry A. Giroux

Marching Off the Cliff

Recognizing the "Unpeople"

Anniversaries from "Unhistory"

What Are Iran's Intentions

The Assault on Public Education

Cartegena: Beyond the Secret Service Scandal

Somebody Else's Atrocities

The Great Charter: Its Fate, Our Fate

In Hiroshima's Shadow

When Travesty Borders on Tragedy

Issues that Obama and Romney Avoid

Gaza, the World's Largest Open-Air Prison

Gaza Under Assault

The Gravest Threat to World Peace

Who Owns the World?

Can Civilization Survive Capitalism?

In Palestine, Dignity and Violence

Boston and Beyond

Guilty in Guatemala

Who Owns the Earth?

Is Edward J. Snowden Aboard this Plane?

The "Honest Broker" Is Crooked?

The Obama Doctrine

De-Americanizing the World

The "Axis of Evil", Revisited

What Is the Common Good?

Prerogatives of Power

Security and State Policy

The Prospects for Survival

Red Lines in Ukraine and Elsewhere

Edward J. Snowden, the World's "Most Wanted Criminal"

The Sledgehammer Worldview

Nightmare in Gaza

CODA The Owl of Menerva

Index

1. Education in and out of institutional schooling should be involved in the practice of freedom and not just the pursuit of the truth. Educators, artists, journalists and other intellectuals have a responsibility to provide students and the wider public the knowledge and skills they need to be able to learn how to think rigorously, to be self-reflective and to develop the capacity to govern rather than be governed. (pages 9-10)

2. Education should disturb the peace and engage in the production of knowledge that is critical of the status quo, particularly in a time of legitimized violence. 교육은 특별히 합법적 폭력이 난무하는 시기에 평화를 뒤흔들어야 하고, 현상에 대한 비판적인 지식을 창출하는데 일조해야 한다. (p. 10)

3. Critical work 비판적 작업: a historical consciousness 역사의식, civic courage 시민으로서의 용기, sacrifice 희생, incisiveness 날카로움 명민함, thoughtfulness 사려 깊음, rigor 논리의 엄밀함, compassion 측은지심, political interventions 정치적 개입, the willingness to be a moral witness and the ability to listen to others 윤리도덕적으로 증인(모범)이 되겠다는 마음과 남의 말을 잘 듣는 능력. (p. 14)

4. The core of history is what happened. The core of unhistory is to “disappear” what happened. (p. 30) 역사의 핵심은 발생한 사건이다. 非歷史의 핵심은 발생한 사건이 사라지는 것이다.

我: What is happening in Korea regarding revision of history text book reveals exactly what unhistory is all about.

5. (pages 31-32) The Great Charter declares that “no free man” shall be deprived of rights “except by the lawful judgment of his peers and by the law of the land.” The principles were later broadened to apply to men generally. The crossed the Atlantic and entered into the U.S. Constitution and Bill of Rights, which declared that no “person” can be deprived of rights without due process and a speedy trial. 대헌장

   The founders of course did not intend the term “person” to actually apply to all persons. Native Americans were not persons. Neither were those who were enslaved. Women were scarcely persons.

   A further step in undermining the principles of the Magna Carta was taken when President Obama signed the National Defense Authorization Act, which codifies Bush-Obama practice of indefinite detention without trial under military custody. 성문화하다.

   Such treatment is now mandatory in the case of those accused of aiding enemy forces during the “war on terror,” or optional if those accused are American citizens. 법이 정한, 강제적인, 의무적인,

   Many other examples illuminate the concept of “terrorist.” one is Nelson Mandela, only removed from the terrorist list in 2008. Another was Saddam Hussein. In 1982 Iraq was removed from the list of terrorist-supporting states so that the Reagan administration could provide Hussein with aid after he invaded Iran.

   Accusation is capricious, without review or recourse, and commonly reflecting policy goals – in Mandela’s case, to justify President Reagan’s support for the apartheid state’s crimes in defending itself against one of the world’s “more notorious terrorist groups”: Mandela’s African National Congress.

我: 위에서 알 수 있는 사실은 ① 영국에서 13세기 대헌장이 제정될 당시, 대헌장에서 명시한 사람은 모든 사람을 가리킨 것이 아니었다. 남성을 가리켰지만 모든 남성이 해당된 게 아니었다. ② 이 대헌장은 미국에 건너와 미국 헌법에 큰 영향을 끼쳤다. ③ 테러리스트 혐의를 받는 사람은 재판 없이도 군대구치소에서 영구히 구속수감할 수 있는 법안을 성문화 하는 것에 서명한 바락 오바마는 대헌장의 원칙을 훼손한 사람이다. ④ 넬슨 만델라도 테러리스트 명단에 들어 있었다. ⑤ 미국이 자국헌법의 근원인 대헌장의 정신을 개떡 같이 여기는지, 이로써 미국이 얼마나 반민주적 야만적 국가인가를 알 수 있다.

9. p. 74

“What has to be kept in mind is that the occupation and the absolute closure is an ongoing attack on the human dignity of the people in Gaza in particular and all Palestinians generally. It is systematic degradation, humiliation, isolation and fragmentation of the Palestinian people.”

 

10. p. 74

“The constant surveillance from the sky, collective punishment through blockade and isolation, the intrusion into homes and communications, and restrictions on those trying to travel, or marry, or work make it difficult to live a dignified life in Gaza.”

 

11. p. 83

Arabs were dissatisfied too Arab fears about Iran were “debated through the lens of Israeli security instead of the region’s,” while Arab concerns were largely ignored – again the conventional treatment.

 

12. p. 91

Part of the doctrinal system in the US is the pretense that we’re all a happy family, there are no class divisions, and everybody is working together in harmony. But that’s radically false. 미국의 정책체계에 의하면, 우리는 모두 행복한 하나의 가정이다. 그래서 계층 간 분리가 없으며, 모두가 조화롭게 함께 일한다. 그러나 이는 엄청난 거짓이다.

 

13. p. 94

There have been serious debates over the years about whether capitalism is compatible with democracy. If we keep to really existing capitalist democracy the question is effectively answered: They are radically incompatible. 자본주의와 민주주의는 호환이 불가능하다.

 

14. P. 100

The tragedy of Gaza traces back to 1948, when hundreds of thousands of Palestinians fled in terror or were forcibly expelled to Gaza by conquering Israeli forces. 가자의 비극은 1948년 수십만의 팔레스타인 사람들이 정복자 이스라엘 군대에 의해 공포에 떨며 가자로 도망치거나 강제이주 되었던 당시에 시작되었다.

 

15. p. 100

It is noteworthy that today the strongest support for Israel in the international arena comes from the US, Canada and Australia, the so-called Anglosphere – settler colonial societies based on extermination or expulsion of indigenous populations in favor of a higher race, and where such behavior is considered natural and praiseworthy.

 

16. p. 101

While a showcase for the human capacity for violence, Gaza is also an inspiring exemplar of the demand for dignity.

 

17. p. 106

There was no direct way to prevent the Boston murders. There are some easy ways to prevent likely future ones: b not inciting them. That’s also true of another case of a suspect murdered, his body disposed of without autopsy, when he could easily have been apprehended and brought to trial: Osama bin Laden.

 

18. p. 107

There is a long and highly instructive history showing the willingness of state authorities to risk the fate of their populations, sometimes severely, for the sake of their policy objectives, not least the most powerful state in the world. We ignore it at our peril.

 

19. p. 108

The dangers of unexamined and unregulated monopoly power, particularly in the state executive, are hardly news. The right reaction is not passive acquiescence. 올바른 대응은 수동적 묵인하는 것이 아니다.

 

20. p. 117

For centuries, Europe was the most savage region in the world, torn by hideous and destructive wars. Europe developed the technology and the culture of war that enabled it to conquer the world. After a final burst of indescribable savagery, the mutual destruction ceased at the end of World War II.

 

21. p. 121

Argentine political scientist Atilio Boron dismissed Europe as “the whore of Babylon,” cringing before power.

 

22. p. 122

Washington has made clear that any country that refuses to extradite Snowden will face harsh punishment. The US will “chase him to the ends of the earth,” Senator Lindsey Graham warned.

 

23. ps. 122-123

Governments always plead security as an excuse –in the Snowden case, security from terrorist attack. This pretext comes from an administration carrying out a grand international terrorist campaign with drones and special operations forces that is generating potential terrorists at every step.

 

24. p. 130

At the fringes, some observers reject the shared assumptions, bringing up the historical record: for example, the fact that ”for nearly seven decades” the US has led the world in aggression and subversion—overthrowing elected governments and imposing vicious dictatorships, supporting horrendous crimes, undermining international agreements and leaving trails of blood, destruction and misery. 침해(어그래션), 전복(서볼션), 끔찍한(호렌더스), 부도덕한(비셔스)

 

25. p. 133

Among these, no task is more urgent than to free ourselves from the religious doctrines that consign the actual events of history to oblivion and thereby reinforce our basis for further “abuses of reality.” 망각(오블리비온) 역사의 실제사건들을 보지 않게 하고 “현실의 악용”을 더욱 공고화 하기 위한 기반을 강화하게 하는 종교적 신조로부터 우리자신을 해방시키는 것보다 더 시급한 책무는 없다.

 

26. P. 136

In 1999, political analyst Samuel P. Huntington warned that for much of the world, the US is “becoming the rogue superpower,” seen as “the single greatest external threat to their societies.”

 

27. P. 136

A few months into the Bush term, Robert Jervis, present of the American Political Science Association, warned that “in the eyes of much of the world, in fact, the prime rogue state today is the United States.” Both Huntington and Jervis warned that such a course is unwise. The consequences for the US could be harmful.

 

28. Ps. 137-138

Whatever the world may think, US actions are legitimate because we say so. The principle was enunciated by the eminent statesman Dean Acheson in 1962, when he instructed the American Society of International Law that no legal issue arises when the US responds to a challenge to its “power, position, and prestige.” 명확히 말하다

 

29. P. 139

The US is the only country directly violating the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—and more severely, the United Nations Charter—by maintaining its threat of force against Iran. The US could also insist that its Israeli client refrain from this severe violation of international Law—which is just one of many.

 

30. P. 141

A large majority of Arabs support Iran’s right to pursue its nuclear program. Arabs are hostile to Iran, but overwhelmingly regard the US and Israel as the primary threats they face, as Shibley Telhami reported again in his recent comprehensive review of Arab opinion.

 

31. P. 142

There are in fact two rogue states operating in the region, resorting to aggression and terror and violating international law at will: the US and its Israeli client. Iran has indeed carried out an act of aggression: conquering three Arab islands under the Us-backed Shah. But any terror credibly attributed to Iran pales in comparison with that of the rogue states.

 

32. P. 148

About 70 percent of the population, at the lower end of the wealth/income scale, has no influence on policy, Gilens concludes. Moving up the scale, influence slowly increases. At the very top are those who pretty much determine policy, by means that aren’t obscure. The resulting system is not democracy but plutocracy.

 

33. P. 154

A normal country would be concerned by how it is viewed in the world. Certainly that would be true of a country committed to “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind,” to quote the Founding Fathers. But the US is far from a normal country. It has been the most powerful economy is the world for a century, and has had no real challenge to its global hegemony since World War II, despite some decline, partly self-administered.

 

34. P. 154

The ability to ignore unwanted facts is one of the prerogatives of unchallenged power. Closely related is the right to radically revise history. 특권(프리로게이티브)

 

35. P. 157

SECURITY AND STATE POLICY

 

36. P. 167

The corporate sector is carrying out major propaganda campaigns to convince the public that climate change, if happening at all, does not result from human activity. These efforts are aimed at overcoming the excessive rationality of the public, which continues to be concerned about the threats that scientists overwhelmingly regard as near-certain and ominous.

 

37. P. 169

This era’s most extreme international crime, the US-UK invasion of Iraq, was therefore not a break in world order—because, after failing to gain international support, the aggressors didn’t cross Russian or Chinese red lines.

 

38. P. 175

To defend state power and private economic power from the domestic enemy, those two entities must be concealed –while in sharp contrast, the enemy must be full exposed to state authority.… The principle was lucidly explained by policy intellectual Samuel P. Huntington, who instructed us that “Power remains strong when it remains in the dark; exposed to the sunlight it begins to evaporate.”… Huntington added a crucial illustration. In his words, “you may have to sell (intervention or other military action) in such a way as to create the misimpression that it is the Soviet Union that you are fighting. That is what the US has been doing ever since the Truman Doctrine” at the outset of the Cold War.

 

39. P. 176

Throughout, the basic principle remains: Power must not be exposed to the sunlight. Edward Snowden has become the most wanted criminal in the world for failing to comprehend this essential maxim. In brief, there must be complete transparency for the population, but none for the powers that must defend themselves from this fearsome internal enemy.

 

40. P. 177

Aggression is “the supreme international crime differing only from other war crimes in that it contains within itself the accumulated evil of the whole.”

 

41. P. 177

The US-UK invasion of Iraq was textbook example of aggression. Apologists invoke noble intentions, which would be irrelevant even if the pleas were sustainable.

 

42. P. 178

By now, Shiites and Sunnis are bitterest enemies, thanks to the sledgehammer wielded by Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney (respectively the former US Secretary of Defense and vice president during the George W. Bush administration) and others like them who understand nothing beyond violence and terror and have helped to create conflicts that are now tearing the region to shreds.